Statement of the RTFI

Reactionary general rehearsal

The corona virus pandemic lays bare the capitalist system and its forms of domination. It shows the consequences of the advance of the capitalist system over nature in an anarchic way.

This global crisis forces imperialist powers, before the high level of losses in their wealth, to accelerate their attacks over the working class at a global level, since, being conscious of the weakness of their domination, they must appeal to a more direct attack.

Imperialist bourgeoisie comes across a problem that is not merely epidemiological, but political-strategical, that has begun as a matter of “public health”, which was at first underestimated. In all cases, they tried to frame it within the trade dispute between USA and China, but in short it brought out the weakness of imperialist States; of the States in process of assimilation -like China- and the state of destruction of the institutions/services (relics) of the welfare State. Let us remember that the welfare State was first conceived to “compete” (after the great defeats that were WWII and the postwar pacts for the working class and its organizations) to the communist bloc, in the aspirations of labor aristocracy and their union representatives. It was a determined way in which one of Trotsky’s forecasts became true, as regards the results of the war: take social contradictions back to the States, speeding up their decomposition.

The pandemic sharpens and speeds up the trends of the 2008 crisis, leading for sure to a global recession. But it is important to understand that, although it is the continuation of the past decade’s crisis, this continuity is not necessarily linear; there can be quality leaps in the general state of imperialist capitalism, which consequences will be seen at the middle and long term.

For the time being, the bourgeoisie is taking advantage of the conjuncture to “clean up” economy and see if can create countertendencies that allow the establishment of new trade blocs and deal with the huge accumulated capital. The competition among bourgeois States to see which deals better with the effects of the pandemic and its general consequences (socio-economic, in particular) has nothing to do with the cynical statements on “saving lives”, but with taking positions before the processes of class struggle that have been developing -like in Latin America- and before the antagonisms among States that are posed. They try to preserve productive forces and better subjugate “their” proletariat to prepare for this confrontation. 

Por ahora la burguesía está aprovechando la coyuntura para “sanear” la economía y ver si puede lograr generar contratendencias que le permitan establecer nuevos bloques comerciales y lidiar con el enorme capital acumulado. La competencia entre los Estados burgueses por ver cuál lidia mejor con los efectos de la pandemia y sus consecuencias generales (económico-sociales en particular) no tienen nada que ver con las declaraciones cínicas de “salvar vidas”, sino con posicionarse ante los procesos de lucha de clases que se preanuncian y los que se han estado desarrollando como en América Latina, y ante los antagonismos entre Estados que están planteados. Buscan conservar las fuerzas productivas y someter mejor a “sus” proletariados para preparar ese enfrentamiento.

Bonapartist tendencies reinforced

We must analyze that the speeding up of global crisis, with the pandemic as an important element, has led bourgeois States to take action by reinforcing the state control elements over social relations of production. It is important to point out this aspect, since Centrism is basing its policy of adaptation to statism on the demand of “State centralization” to better manage this crisis.

This centralization cannot be but reactionary. The quarantine as State policy is to save capital. On the other hand, the methods of the working class, like cessation of activity and strikes towards a general strike, are measures that allow the preservation of our work force in an organized way, by means of unions, to confront the centralized attack of the bourgeoisie and the strong destructive trends of capitalist economy in crisis. This is why we cannot be for a quarantine imposed by the State, because it is not a “sanitary” measure, but an imperialist policy to preserve industries of production, by lowering the value of work force.

We may say that we are witnessing a reactionary general rehearsal of the capitalist system, amid a historical process of decomposition. It is a rehearsal of class conciliation, of chauvinism. Before an anarchic leadership as that of the capitalist system, that depends on their armed Joint Chiefs of Staff to guarantee the reproduction of capital, we fight for a collective conscious leadership, because the current system generates the material conditions and the social forms for the economic reconstruction of society.

The reactionary policy is to discipline by means of repressive forces; more dismissals; wage cut-outs; greater flexibility and labor precarization; attack on union organization in the work place and gains cut-off wherever they can. They try to clean up global economy amid a phenomenal crisis and to establish a new deal between capital and labor; with the difference that now they must do it quickly, in face of the deepening of the crisis. It is not discarded that imperialist countries nationalize industries of economy and reinforce their Bonapartism with greater statism.

For a workers’ wayout

To every state policy we must contest with the programmatic foundations of the workers’ State inherence in capitalist society, that does not stop within the small framework of national borders. We must combat against the fiction of an already deceased bureaucratic-military apparatus, that has under its control what happens within its territory. Only the working class can lead internationally coordinated measures. We advance workers’ control over the main industries of economy, before the disorganization of economy, and we take stance for the destruction of the bourgeois State by means of revolution, since it is impossible that a bourgeois State gives response to our demands.

It is essential that we are not disorganized. Centrism has already helped to demobilize us, by calling off street actions, such as the March 24^th demonstration in Argentina. We cannot afford, given the centralization of the attack, to take isolated actions, even less to let individual resolutions prevail.

We must defend the functioning of deliberative organisms of the working class, such as unions, enterprise workers’ representation, shop stewards’ bodies, in order to prepare ourselves against the effects of this crisis and be able to confront union bureaucracy, governments and imperialism.

The workers must intervene in this crisis in an independent way, preparing the conditions for the upsurge of a revolutionary leadership in the need to reconstruct the IV International.

LOI – Brasil

COR – Chile

COR - Argentina

The global crisis and the pandemic

The development of the crisis opened in 2008 has provided new chapters, showing that capitalism has not been able yet to find a way out to its effects. This has been demonstrated by the coronavirus pandemic, that has exposed and accelerated the processes of the crisis -which have been accumulating over the last years. We must add to this scene the oil crisis, that had begun before the COVID 19 crisis, as a result of the slowdown of global economy, which was heading to a recession with very low growth levels. This is why the pandemic shows how weak the capitalist system and its institution are, amid a scene of imperialist decomposition. Although imperialist powers try to make us believe the fallacy that global economy was doing well and that the proliferation of the virus was the cause of all evil, the epidemic is just a secondary factor within a deeper global crisis.

This does not mean that imperialism will not try to take advantage of this crisis to make the whole of the workers and poor people put up with the effects of it. This is shown in the increasing interference of the State in the control of social relations, not to avoid the propagation of the virus, but to protect the State healthcare systems and their economies from a possible collapse; to reinforce the reactionary centralism of bourgeois States -given their historical weakness- and to avoid -in the worse of possibilities- the contagion of the virus of class struggle.

In the 2008 crisis, the policy of the imperialist powers was to flood the market with more cash flow by central banks, to save big corporation and offer them credit in order to – in a future time- let global economy recover by increasing labor productivity and achieving a more stable growth. A headlong flight that did not reach the expected goals and, even worse, today there is a crisis with similar characteristics and they cannot put into practice the same recipes they used in 2008.

USA and its healthcare system showed the real face of capitalism. Now, the USA are debating if they cut taxes, not only as a measure for enterprises, but also for workers, so they can poor that money in consumption; or to get money into the pockets of the population by increasing unemployment fonds or subsidies to wages, in face of an imminent close down of plants and life shortage. This is statism, performed by the main imperialist power.

In the EU, with epicenter in Italy and Spain, we can see a great crisis in their healthcare systems. For some nostalgic, the cause is the dismantling of the welfare State and a product of the defeat of the workers after the postwar period. It is very important to follow closely the so far incipient strike processes that are taking place, especially in Italy, in many factories and health workers’ sectors.

Any way out to the crisis -that has speeded up- will be reactionary. Global bourgeoisie is aware of its weakness, but also of its counterrevolutionary historical role. That is why, those who believe that capitalism is showing its humanitarian face in the crisis of the coronavirus, because of their demagogic speeches, should know that those are only provocations to our class, that due to its crisis of revolutionary leadership cannot respond in a centralized way; but we will be forced to give that response given the deepness of the crisis. We must support ourselves in the different processes of class struggle opened at global scale. At a regional scale, there are many countries in Latin America where these processes are going on; the most radicalized is Chile.

The anarchy of capital can be seen in all its dimensions. Before the disorganization of economy, revolutionaries must advance -not a demand on bourgeois State and its institutions like the Congress, but- the need to organize economy over new foundations. For this transition it is vital the workers’ control of the most important industries, to show the force of the international working class at the administration of things. We must deploy a transitional program to develop a vanguard within our class.

These are urgent historical tasks.