Se mantiene el asedio genocida del enclave de Israel sobre el pueblo Palestino. A dos meses que el enclave sionista rompiera el cese al fuego limitado, retomando sin cesar las masacres, Netanyahu anuncia los planes para invadir y vaciar Gaza de gazatíes con la intención de expulsarlos o aniquilarlos, propagandiza insertar asentamientos de colonos y ejercer el control político y militar directo de la franja de la mano del imperialismo. Enconado en este objetivo, no permite el ingreso de alimentos y medicinas a la franja, lo que ya está provocando la muerte por inanición de niños y cientos de víctimas que no pueden ser asistidas, además de continuar con el ataque a hospitales, e infraestructura, y suma a diario más y más muertes de palestinos.

Esto se da en el marco de una orientación del imperialismo norteamericano de retomar su debilitada hegemonía mundial, buscando pactos regionales con las descompuestas burguesías y lumpenburguesías como la de Arabia Saudita, la de Siria o la del Líbano, etc, quienes intentan restablecer un nuevo equilibrio ya que el que estableció la postguerra mediante el nakba y la misma creación del enclave de ocupación imperialista, se encuentra hecha añicos. Ruptura del equilibrio que fuerza al imperialismo también a buscar imponer condiciones a los ex estados obreros para semicolonizarlos como en Ucrania, o la guerra arancelaria para disputarle el comercio mundial a China.

En el plano interno el gobierno de Trump viene teniendo una línea de persecución y represión ante las manifestaciones en apoyo a Palestina, chocando abiertamente con amplios sectores de la juventud norteamericana e inmigrante, con epicentro en las universidades. Y es que esta crisis de hegemonía del amo yanqui provoca la absorción de las contradicciones mundiales en su seno abriendo procesos de lucha de clases donde la poderosa clase obrera norteamericana puede desempeñar un papel primordial para detener la maquinaria de guerra con los métodos obreros.

También se verifica que las instituciones de posguerra como la ONU se encuentran en la total decadencia al no poder dar una salida reaccionaria como la de dos estados entre Israel y Palestina, mientras caen asesinados decenas de médicos y rescatistas vinculados a organismos internacionales, con el aval silencioso o cínico de los representantes del imperialismo europeo, que aparece como “un actor de reparto” ante la orientación de la administración Trump.

Trump ha llevado una línea agresiva para imponer nuevas condiciones en el reparto mundial, en la búsqueda de asimilar a los ex estados obreros al sistema capitalista, además de una nueva relación capital trabajo.

Las burguesías árabes y del medio oriente han mostrado su rol pérfido en el conflicto, incluidas las direcciones palestinas como las de la ANP, las que buscan poner paños fríos y evitar que escale la solidaridad con el pueblo Palestino.

Además de su propia descomposición interna Israel se enfrenta a la resistencia palestina y de las masas árabes aisladas o contenidas por sus direcciones burguesas. Es el proletariado mundial con sus métodos debe encabezar la solidaridad con la resistencia y el pueblo palestino, en especial en los países imperialistas que deben detener la máquina de guerra.

¡Viva la resistencia palestina!

¡Por la destrucción del estado de Israel!

¡Por una federación de republicas socialistas de medio oriente y el Magreb!

1° DE MAYO-¡LEVANTEMOS LA BANDERA INTERNACIONALISTA DE LA CLASE OBRERA REVOLUCIONARIA!-DECLARACIÓN DE LA TRCI

En "El Nuevo Curso 39", publicación periódica de la Corriente Obrera Revolucionaria de Chile.

Descarga el PDF

Em novembro do ano passado, um importante debate sobre condições de trabalho se impôs, superando as bolhas da internet, que foi a discussão sobre a escala 6x1, impulsionado pela deputada Erika Hilton (PSOL), que apresentou projeto de lei na câmara dos deputados.

O tema mobilizou forças políticas em todos os espectros políticos - contra e a favor - e trouxe à ordem do dia a pauta sobre as condições de trabalho, e consequentemente ataques diretos aos trabalhadores como forma de garantir os lucros da burguesia e recuperar a produtividade, em um momento de aprofundamento da crise capitalista, marcada entre outros justamente pela queda dos índices mundiais de produção.

Porém, a discussão posta com a proposta da deputada psolista se dá de forma rebaixada, localizada nos marcos do parlamento burguês e acompanhando as próprias políticas de flexibilização do patronato. O que está implícito no bojo dessa medida são: a redução de jornada com a redução de salário, lay-off, banco de horas e o arrocho salarial.

As escalas de trabalho sofrem alterações ou mudanças de ritmo e tempo de acordo com as necessidades e interesses dos capitalistas, cujo processo produtivo já emprega inúmeras jornadas de trabalho na perspectiva da divisão social do trabalho. Essas escalas são negociadas nas mesas dos burocratas sindicais, que estão há tempos afastados dos locais de trabalho, logo de suas bases e colados ao Estado, conciliando-se com patrões enquanto atuam como muro de contenção da luta de classes.

Como contraponto a essa política patronal, a política que se impõe é a da ESCALA MÓVEL DAS HORAS DE TRABALHO - em que todo o trabalho disponível, deve ser distribuído entre toda a força de trabalho disponível, sem qualquer redução salarial, e essa luta deve ser levantada não através das instituições da burguesia como o parlamento e o judiciário, mas através de nossos métodos históricos de luta, e sempre sob a luz da independência de classe.

Para isso, mais do que atos de rua isolados, é preciso que os sindicatos e centrais sindicais tomem a frente desse processo, tomando para si o protagonismo dessa luta, porém, diante da política deliberada de contenção da luta de classes, empreendida pelas direções sindicais e políticas da esquerda eleitoral, se torna urgente a necessidade de recuperação dos sindicatos dessas camarilhas que se apossaram do nosso instrumento de luta e o transformaram em seu meio de vida, desviando toda a luta histórica para as instituições burguesas, advogando que migalhas em meio aos destroços, devem ser consideradas como vitórias.

• PELA ESCALA MÓVEL DE HORAS DE TRABALHO!
• PELA ORGANIZAÇÃO NAS NOSSAS ESTRUTURAS, COM NOSSOS MÉTODOS HISTÓRICOS DE LUTA E INDEPENDÊNCIA DE CLASSE!

A wave of criticism is shaking the world after Donald Trump's statements on February 4, in which he proposed the US to "take over" the Gaza Strip. This "initiative" would imply, he made it clear, the expulsion from that territory of the Palestinians who have been facing more than a year of bombardments and siege by the Israeli Defense Forces. Imperialism proposes the definitive ethnic cleansing as the "final solution" to the genocidal war of its Israeli enclave against the Palestinians, today in pause due to a truce imposed on the Zionists by the resistance.
It’s no coincidence that this despicable proposal, just another sample of the barbarism that the rotting capitalist system offers to humanity, was made at Trump's first international reception after taking office as president for the second time. The guest of honor was precisely Benjamin Netanyahu, the prime minister of the occupying entity. Trump thus comes to the rescue of the Zionist government, which is staggering because it cannot find a way out, not only of the current conflict, but also of a historical crisis, given that Israel is the product of an imperialist institutionality typical of the post-war equilibrium, which today is creaking all over the place. Trump proposes, picking up the line of his 1st presidency, to sweep away all that old institutionality, and his proposal for the Gaza Strip, even if we may consider it not very viable, comes to put in the first place the American defense of Israel as a fundamental premise of the alleged new world order.
The imperialist hypocrites who run the European governments, as well as the sepoys of all colors in the Middle East and the rest of the globe, come out to defend international law, tear their clothes against the affront to human rights implied by Trump's statements, they shout the need to maintain the institutions of the United Nations system, which they paint as guarantors of peace but are, on the contrary, the institutions that have allowed the recent massacre in Gaza, the continuation of the war in Ukraine, the ethnic cleansings in Africa and Asia and all the outrages of the imperialist powers in recent years. Governments like that of British Labour's Christy Cooney or Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, as well as the UN and EU governments, are accomplices in the expulsion of the Palestinian people from their land which is heading towards its 80th anniversary, as well as the ongoing genocide, today only on pause. The democrat, liberal and conservative gentlemen, defenders of capitalist institutionality, have nothing to offer to the proletariat and the oppressed peoples, other than a (in appearance) little less brutal version of the barbarism that Trump and his government of billionaires today offer. A version that does not cease to be framed in the militarist preparation of the bourgeois leaders in capitalist decomposition, announced by the president of the European Commission, von der Leyen, herself when she asks for the relaxation of the fiscal and debt rules of the EU to increase the defense budgets; nor does it cease to be governed by the only clear axis that imperialism has, which is the need to modify the capital-labor relation in its favor, attacking our class, as they have been applying in Poland, Ukraine and other countries.
As we have previously stated, Trump follows the idea of reclaiming the imperialist leadership lost in recent years and, on the basis of an aggressive policy at the economic level and military power, his aim is to regain the lost influence, especially against China, in different regions to try to impose a new road map -in its decline- for the world situation. His first measures have shown the limits of the U.S. productive and financial machinery, threatening a tariffs war against Mexico and Canada, which he had to put in the freezer for 30 days due to the resistance of the imperialist bourgeoisie itself, which fears that such measures could end up cracking even more the already ailing health of the U.S. economy. However, both the Trudeau government, on its way out, and the Mexican government of Sheinbaum had to subordinate themselves and give in to the request to militarize the borders of their countries. Sheinbaum shows that Trump is counting not only on Milei, Bukele and other boot-licking presidents in Latin America; the services of a decadent progressivism, willing to deploy 10,000 troops against its own people to satisfy the imperialist master, are also on offer.

Internationalist unity against imperialism
The reactions of anger and confrontation to the imperialist aggressiveness expressed by Trump have already been reflected in the demonstrations against deportations in the US itself. We can expect the youth there, as well as in Europe, to take up the struggle in favor of the Palestinian people. These anti-imperialist demonstrations are a wake-up call for the organized working class and its vanguard, which has headed very important solidarity actions, but has not managed to take the lead in these expressions of struggle. The proletariat has the strength to confront capitalism at its base, imposing the stoppage of production and its control to leave the bourgeoisie baseless and detonate the foundation of their states. Fighting against the capitalist assimilation of the former workers states and the Bonapartist governments of Russia and China -that pretend to dispute the leadership of the process of restoration to imperialism, with all the social regression that this implies-; fighting for the destruction of Israel, entity of Zionist occupation in the Middle East, and against all the bourgeois governments of the region (Arabs, Turkic and the Iranian government) accomplices of the massacre against the Palestinian people, fighting for the Federation of Socialist Republics of the Middle East as political form of the dictatorship of the proletariat: for the achievement of all these enormous tasks ahead of us, it is necessary to address the duty of settling the crisis of revolutionary leadership of the proletariat, which shows once again to be the crisis of humanity. At each step, the situation presents new elements to urgently promote the call for an International Conference for the reconstruction of the IV International and its national sections.

In view of the magnitude of the crisis and the acceleration of the war preparations, aware of the consequences that this implies for our class, it is urgent to make an appeal for an International Conference, addressed to those currents that still raise the need for the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Our purpose is to open a debate within the currents that claim to be Trotskyist, since Trotskyism is the only Marxist tradition that keeps alive the perspective of socialist revolution. It is necessary to take a step in the sense of regrouping part of the vanguard behind a revolutionary program and to intervene in the international situation. Our current aims to take part in this process as a tendency within a revolutionary leadership that promotes the development of a new generation, that takes up the historic tasks of building the world revolutionary party, which in this epoch is no other than the Fourth International. It is imperative to build this party at a time when the ideas of electoral movements or coalitions prevail, which later become rotten mediations and go into crisis due to their inability to confront the advance of ultra-reactionary sectors. We saw this, for example, in Brazil where the PSOL supported Lula; in Chile with the collapse of Boric's Frente Amplio and its alliance with the PC and related currents, or the NPA in France that made a campaign in common with Melenchon's “France Insoumise”, to give just a few examples.

From the TRFI we define that the international situation is in a stage characterized by the decomposition of imperialism and the processes of assimilation of the former workers' States. We are witnessing how times are speeding up, driven by the warlike policy of imperialism, in need to assimilate the former workers' States and to create new markets amid a crisis in the organization of capital and its institutions, such as the bourgeois State, and of its form of domination, with decadent Bonapartism.

On 01/20/25 Donald Trump took office for his second term, surrounded by the world's most concentrated financial and political establishment and international political representatives. The speech he delivered on Capitol Hill put forward the idea of reclaiming the leadership lost in recent years and, based on an aggressive policy in economy and military power, his aim is to recover the influence lost in different regions- due to its decline -, especially against China, in order to try to impose a new road map for the world situation.

We must discuss the tasks we have as revolutionaries and the policy towards the organized sectors of the proletariat in the face of the extension in time of the world economic crisis opened in 2008. The warmongering elements are worsening, as shown by the Russia-Ukraine war, which is destabilizing a large part of Europe; the genocide in Palestine by the enclave of Israel, which is generating an open crisis in the Middle East region, as was demonstrated in the fall of Al Asad in Syria; the trade war between the U.S. and China; the crisis in Africa.

We must discuss what role the proletariat of the former workers' States, like the Chinese, Russian and Ukrainian, should play to stop the war and defeat NATO and the restorationist governments. In these States we are witnessing a historical contradiction, in which the counterrevolutionary bureaucracy, which has not yet succeeded in constituting itself as a class and continues to fruitlessly seek experiments of accumulation, must take up bourgeois tasks of the imperialist epoch, such as restoring the rule of capital. But, at the same time, imperialism does not recognize this social formation as a representative for this historical task. The extension in time of this anomaly is what is leading to a war, still encapsulated. However, if it reaches this point, it would no longer be like the other world wars, which were for the distribution of the market in the expansion of the capitalist system, but it would be to assimilate the former workers' States at this moment of greatest decadence and decomposition of imperialism. We maintain that we are in a new scenario, not only because the economic and political conditions of the world war period no longer exist, but also because the party mediations or political movements with a working-class basis that developed in that period no longer exist either. That is why it is difficult and even sterile to look for historical analogies, such as those that state that we are in a moment like the one prior to 1915 or others. What we should note is that imperialism in its decadence can lead the workers to military confrontations and we believe that the world dynamics are giving signs of such preparations. We must confront war with revolution, guided by the theory of permanent revolution.

Today we witness the crisis of the currents that still claim the legacy of Mandel, Moreno, Ted Grant, Lambert and others that cannot utter a political response to the open processes. Since they were in the need to develop their political theories in a period that is already disappearing, those are becoming obsolete to guide the current revolutionary practice. At the time they had to respond to very contradictory historical processes such as the counterrevolutionary policy of Stalinism (from the authority of the Russian Revolution and the USSR), the emergence of the welfare States and a whole series of imperialist policies to give concessions to sectors of the masses in their competition against the Soviet system, etc. Because the revolutionary leadership did not develop, and the IV International did not manage to overcome the germinal stage, they ended up developing different variants of adaptations to the State and its institutions, whether in the imperialist or semicolonial countries. In general, they ended up separating economy from politics and fell into class conciliation traps, keeping this idea as a goal, without understanding the dynamics of the permanent revolution where the organized tendencies of the past are no longer present, and where the character of the revolution is posed in a worldwide key rather than national revolutions. Now, because of this adaptation, they cannot give an answer to the fall of the welfare States in Europe, to the processes of assimilation of the former workers' States, to the decomposition of the imperialist system, and to the challenges presented by class struggle. Even so, our current is still alive as a continuity of revolutionary Marxism. This makes it imperative to reclaim the method taught to us by the great revolutionaries of the past, to complete the task of developing the struggle for socialism in the present conditions. We need an International, which for us is the IV International, to organize the debates and define the tasks in all the national sections, unifying the struggle of the battalions of the proletariat that stand out all over the world.

We launch this appeal so that we begin to address this historic task, in pursuit of settling the crisis of humanity, which is the crisis of revolutionary leadership of the proletariat.